Maurice Thura,
You got it 100%
right. Museveni is in the campaing rallying African Leaders to oppose ICC Hague
because
he fears his name
with that of Museveni is in the books for wanted crimes of genocide with
astrocity, since their
right hand Bosco
with Nkunda are held at ICC Hague and once the cases are on, Museveni and Kagame
shall
not
escape..........................
In short the summary
goes like this:
1) Museveni was
assisted to establish a Government in Uganda by Moi with his Somali brother
Salim Saleh who owns Al-shabaab
Militia group.
2) Museveni assisted
Kagame to establish Rwanda Government using the same Al-Shabaab from his brother
Salim Saleh with whom he mingled with the various Milita groups and established
a new political party, the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM), part of the private
Militia groups Museveni formed to fight Obote and consequently ousted Idi Amin
of Uganda while he was leaving in Nairobi Kenya.
3) Museveni was
involved in the war that deposed Idi Amin
Dada, ending his rule in 1979, and in the rebellion that subsequently
led to the demise of the Milton Obote regime in 1985
4) His
presidency has been marred, however, by invading and occupying Congo during the
Second Congo War (the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo which has resulted in an
estimated 5.4 million deaths since 1998) and other conflicts in the Great Lakes region.
5) Museveni gets his
middle name from his father, Amos Kaguta, a cattle herder. Amos Kaguta is also
the father of Museveni's brother Caleb Akandwanaho, popularly known in Uganda as
"Salim
Saleh",[5] and sister Violet Kajubiri.[6]
6) The Luweero
Triangle were abuses from NLA ambushes by Museveni where in the Luweero Triangle, tribal groups predominant of
Northerners especially the Lango and Acholi were brutally killed and
massacred.Reports from Uganda during this period brought international criticism
to the Obote regime instead of Museveni who was using NLA private Army with
Al-Shabaab. Milton Obote blamed
the Luwero abuses on Museveni on the NRA. but the West had already made dealings
with Museveni through Moi while in Nairobi. In other words, Lango and Acholi
were targeted for Extermination the way they now do with Lakeland Luos a case of
2007/8 and why Migingo was technically rewarded to
Museveni..................
7) The Uganda-based
Tutsi-dominated Rwandese Patriotic Front rebel group were close allies
of the NRA, and once Museveni had solidified his hold on central power, he lent
his support to their cause. Unsuccessful attacks were launched by the RPF
against the Hutu government of Rwanda in the first half of the 1990s from bases
in southwest Uganda. It was not until the Rwandan Genocide of 1994 that the RPF took power and
its head, Paul
Kagame (a former soldier in Museveni's army), became president.
8) In August 1998,
Rwanda and Uganda undertook to invade Congo again, this time to overthrow
Museveni and Kagame's former ally - Kabila (see main article: Second Congo War). Museveni and a few close
military advisers alone made the decision to send the UPDF into Congo.
9) Troops from
Rwanda and Uganda plundered the country's rich mineral deposits and timber. The United States responded to the invasion by
suspending all military aid to Uganda, a disappointment to the Clinton
administration, which had hoped to make
Uganda the centrepiece of the African Crisis Response
Initiative. In 2000, Rwandan and Ugandan
troops exchanged fire on three occasions in the Congolese city of Kisangani, leading to tensions and a deterioration in
relations between Kagame and Museveni. The Ugandan government has also been
criticised for aggravating the Ituri conflict, a sub-conflict of the Second Congo War. In December 2005, the International Court of Justice ruled that Uganda must
pay compensation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo for human rights
violations during the Second Congo War.[34]
10) On 30 July 2005,
Sudanese vice-president John
Garang was killed when the Ugandan presidential helicopter crashed
while he was travelling to Sudan from talks in Uganda. The incident was acutely
embarrassing for the Ugandan government and a personal blow for Museveni –
Garang had been a political ally since their days together at university. Garang
had only been Sudanese vice-president for a matter of weeks before his death,
which damaged hopes of a regional order based on a Uganda-South
Sudan alliance.
Widespread
speculation as to the cause of the crash led Museveni, on 10 August, to threaten
the closure of media outlets which published "conspiracy theories" about
Garang's death. In a statement, Museveni claimed such speculation was a threat
to national security. "I will no longer tolerate a newspaper which is like a
vulture. Any newspaper that plays around with regional security, I will not
tolerate it – I will close it."[50] The following day,
popular radio station KFM had its license withdrawn for broadcasting a debate on
Garang's death. Radio presenter Andrew Mwenda was eventually arrested for sedition in connection with comments made on his KFM
talk show.[51]
11) For Museveni and
Kagame to succeed in their invasion for the Great Lakes Region, they had to wipe
out Congo, Tanzania and Kenya
people using Kagame's fully financed M23 private Milita Insurgency that was
holed up in Congo while the Al-Shabaab is holed inside Kenya. When they do that,
they infuse these private Army into the Government Police Force the way they did
with that of Congo through Bosco and Bosco and later Nkunda after the formation
of M23 to terrorize the Government and continue to steal Water tower, Congo
Minerals with the Scramble for Sea, Lakes and Land in the Great Lakes of East
Africa for their Masters Companies in the West.
12) The whole thing
was a conspiracy masterminded by Zenawi President of Ethiopia under the watch
of Jendayi Frazer who was the former U.S. Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs, heading the Bureau of African Affairs under Bush Administration.
Frazer was Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for African
Affairs on the National Security Council and the first woman to serve
as United States Ambassador to South Africa.
It was Jendayi Frazer
who adviced Bush that Kibaki won.
Fast forward 2013,
Ms Jendayi Fraser is on record as protecting interests and supporting people
fingered by the ICC, in essence encouraging
impunity............Encouraging select people to act on behalf of
civilized nations does not make the world secure even if it may achieve a short
term American interest. The four points Ms. Frazer suggested by Ms
Fraser do not have one African interest, and then during the recent
elections in Kenya (March 2013) she went ahead to contradict President Obama
Administration’s official line of duty on Kenya and kept on interjecting in
opposing President Obama's Diplomacy overriding Johnny Carsons statements
in Kenyas elections of March 2013.....and all these proved that, her agenda for
Africa was based on some vested special interest and not those of the people of
Africa thus the negativity compared to what President Obama want for Africa.
Dr. Jendayi E. Frazer,
former US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs is now working as a
lobbyist on behalf of Museveni, the Ugandan government, where she lobbies Obama
Administration for Uganda. Does this explain something
???
The leaders of Uganda
and Rwanda were among those designated as African Renaissance leaders by
President Bill Clinton. Their proxies have been responsible for
carrying out the very atrocities which Hillary Clinton condemned during her term
in State Departnment..
President Obama's
approach of requiring Africans to chart their own destiny and take their own
responsibility under and have a place on the table in the world MarketPlace
instead of depending on spoon-feeding from others is right on point......... as
opposed to theories of Ms Fraser prescription of dependency and security.
The world can only
be peaceful and secure when everyone negotiate to invest in its own security and
survival plan.
These confirms
that, Museveni as second command after Zenawi masterminded terrorism in the
Great Lakes of East Africa and in
the use of M23 establishment..........Which is why history points fingers at him
on all extra judicial killings, genocide with astrocities, pain and sufferings
and it is the reason he leads in the obstruction of ICC Hague.
and which is why
Ban-ki-moon must come clean, why, with all these facts, he has not put Kagame
and Museven under ICC Hague judgement against Human Rights
injustices..........
I had to write this
long as update and also to throw some light to those who do not have ready facts
in their own hands........to be informed................
Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,
USA
http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,
USA
http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com
-----------------------------------------------
Check this out for
heads up...................!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Wikileaks -
Jendayi Frazer's Role In The Ethiopian Invasion Of Somalia
More shenanigans from
the Clinton/Bush/Clinton foreign policy machinations in East Africa. Keep in
mind that Ethiopia/Kenya are physical springboards for an invasion of the Sudan.
Just as Uganda/Rwanda were a physical springboard for a US/UK presence in the
Eastern DRC (where coltan and a lot of other minerals come from). Also, if they
are prosecuted, a lot of this illegal and destructive foreign policy will come
to light.Also, if Africa is going to be economically and politically
independent, we have to put a stop to AFRICOM, and the militarisation that flows
from it.
WikiLeaks
Reveals U.S. Twisted Ethiopia's Arm to Invade Somalia
Tue, 12/21/2010 - 13:59 — Rob Prince
by Rob Prince
Tue, 12/21/2010 - 13:59 — Rob Prince
by Rob Prince
U.S. officials were
lying when they claimed to have attempted to restrain Ethiopia from invading
neighboring Somalia in late 2006. Newly unveiled documents show that “the Bush
Administration pushed Ethiopia to invade Somalia with an eye on crushing the
Union of Islamic Courts,” which had established relative peace in much of the
country. The U.S. also tried to assemble a “coalition of the willing” to
overthrow Robert Mugabe’s government in Zimbabwe.
WikiLeaks Reveals U.S. Twisted Ethiopia's Arm to Invade Somalia
by Rob Prince
This article previously appeared in Znet.
WikiLeaks Reveals U.S. Twisted Ethiopia's Arm to Invade Somalia
by Rob Prince
This article previously appeared in Znet.
“The cable exposes
a secret deal cut between the United States and Ethiopia to invade
Somalia.”
By mid 2007, the
50,000 Ethiopian troops that invaded Somalia in late 2006 found themselves
increasingly bogged down, facing much fiercer resistance than they had bargained
for as Somalis of all stripes temporarily put aside their differences to stand
together against the outside invader.
As the military
incursion turned increasingly sour, then US Under Secretary of State for
Africa, Jendayi Frazer, who taught at the University of
Denver's Korbel School of International Studies in the 1990s, insisted
that, prior to the invasion, the United States had counseled caution and that
Washington had warned Ethiopia not to use military force against Somalia. Frazer
was a close collaborator with former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice, for whom there also is a strong University of Denver connection.
Frazer certainly tried to distance the United States from responsibility for the
Ethiopian invasion in a number of interviews she gave to the media at the
time.
But one of the
released WikiLeaks cables, suggests a different picture, one that
implicates Frazer in pressing Ethiopia's President Meles Zenawi to
invade its neighbor. The content of the cable is being widely discussed
in the African media. It exposes a secret deal cut between the United States and
Ethiopia to invade Somalia.
“The cable suggests that Ethiopia had no intention of invading Somalia in
2006 but was encouraged/pressured to do so by the United States.”
If accurate -- and
there is no reason to believe the contrary -- the cable suggests that Ethiopia
had no intention of invading Somalia in 2006 but was encouraged/pressured to do
so by the United States which pushed Ethiopia behind the scenes. Already bogged
down in wars in Iraq and Afghanistan at the time, the Bush Administration
pushed Ethiopia to invade Somalia with an eye on crushing the
Union of Islamic Courts, which was gaining strength in Somalia at the
time.
At the time of the invasion there was little doubt that
the Ethiopian military incursion was "made in Washington." Like so many other
WikiLeaks cables, this one merely puts a dot on the "i" or crosses the "t" on
what was generally known, although it does give specific information
about Jendayi Frazer's deep involvement in the affair.
According to the
cable, as the main U.S. State Department representative in Africa, Frazer played
a key role, spearheading what amounted to a U.S.-led proxy war in conjunction
with the Pentagon. At the same time that she was pushing the Ethiopians to
attack, Frazer was laying the groundwork both for the attack in the U.S.
media and for a cover-up, by claiming that although the United States
did not support Ethiopian military action, she could understand "the Somali
threat" and why Ethiopia might find it necessary to go to war.
Frazer spread rumors of a possible jihadist
takeover in Somalia that would threaten Ethiopian security. Turns out
that media performance was little more than a smokescreen. The U.S. military had been
preparing Ethiopia for the invasion, providing military
aid and training Ethiopian troops. Then on
December 4, 2006, CENTCOM Commander, General John Abizaid was in Addis
Ababa on what was described as "a courtesy call." Instead, the plans
for the invasion were finalized.
“The U.S. military
had been preparing Ethiopia for the invasion, providing military aid and
training Ethiopian troops.”
At the time of the
Somali invasion, Zenawi found himself in trouble. He was facing
growing criticism for the wave of repression he had unleashed against
domestic Ethiopian critics of his rule that had included mass
arrests, the massacres of hundreds of protesters and
the jailing of virtually all the country's opposition
leaders.
this 2003 article which describes the redistribution of
the Debshan 'Ranch' owned by Anglo-American De Beers. - MrK]
[None of which occurred in Zimbabwe, but you
would not think so going by the mainstream media and it's 10 year villification
campaign against Zimbabwe - really, against effective land redistribution and
the threat it posed to the diamond trade monopoly, but that's another
discussion. There is a lot of mining industry money behind the "War Against Land
Reform", which is what it should be called. If you want to read the source of
this opposition, check out
By the spring of 2006
there was a bill before the U.S. Congress to cut off aid to Zenawi unless
Ethiopia's human rights record improved. (His human rights record, by the way,
has not improved since. Given how the United States and NATO view Ethiopia's
strategic role in the "war on terrorism" and the scramble for African mineral
and energy resources, Western support for Zenawi has only increased in recent
years).
In 2006, dependent on
U.S. support to maintain power in face of a shrinking political base at home --
a situation many U.S. allies in the Third World find themselves -- and against
his better judgement, Zenawi apparently caved to Frazer's pressure. Nor
was this the first time that Frazer had tried to instigate a U.S. proxy war in
Africa. Earlier as U.S. ambassador to South Africa, she had
tried to put together a "coalition of the willing" to overthrow Mugabe's regime
in Zimbabwe, an initiative that did not sit so well with South Africa's
post-apartheid government and went nowhere.
“Frazer had tried to
put together a ‘coalition of the willing’ to overthrow Mugabe's regime in
Zimbabwe.”
The 2006 war in
Somalia did not go well either for the United States or Ethiopia. Recently a
State Department spokesperson, Donald Yamamoto, admitted that the whole idea was
"a big mistake," obliquely admitting U.S. responsibility for the invasion. It
resulted in 20,000 deaths and according to some reports, left up to 2 million
Somalis homeless. The 50,000 Ethiopian invasion force, which had expected a cake
walk, instead ran into a buzz saw of Somali resistance, got bogged down and soon
withdrew with its tail between its legs. The political result of the invasion
was predictable: the generally more moderate Union of Islamic Courts was
weakened, but it was soon replaced in Somalia by far more radical and militant
Islamic groups with a more openly anti-American agenda.
As the situation
deteriorated, in an attempt to cover both the U.S. and her own role, Frazer then
turned on Zenawi, trying to distance herself from fiasco using an old and tried
diplomatic trick: outright lying. Now that the invasion had turned sour, she
changed her tune, arguing in the media, that both she and the State Department
had tried to hold back the Ethiopians, discouraging them from invading rather
than pushing them to attack. The WikiLeaks cable tells quite a different
story. In 2009, the Ethiopian forces withdrew, leaving Somalia in a
bigger mess and more unstable than when their troops went in three years prior.
Seems to be a pattern here?
Rob Prince is the
publisher of the Colorado Progressive Jewish News.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
So How Come We Haven't Stopped It?
John Prendergast, The Washington Post | 19 Nov 2006
Early in his first term, President Bush received a National Security Council memo outlining the world's inaction regarding the genocide in Rwanda. In what may have been a burst of indignation and bravado, the president wrote in the margin of the memo, "Not on my watch."Five years later, and nearly four years into what Bush himself has repeatedly called genocide, the crisis in Sudan's Darfur region is intensifying without a meaningful response from the White House. Perhaps Harvard professor Samantha Power's tongue-in-cheek theory is correct: The memo was inadvertently placed on top of the president's wristwatch, and he didn't want it to happen again. But if Bush's expressions of concern for the victims in Darfur are genuine, then why isn't his administration taking real action?
The answer is one of the great untold stories of this young century, one in which human rights principles clash with post-9/11 counterterrorism imperatives. During my visits to Darfur in the past few months, I've heard testimony from Darfurians that villages are still burned to the ground, women are still gang-raped by Janjaweed militias and civilians are still terrorized by the Sudanese air force's bombings. As Darfur descends further into hell, all signs explaining the United States' pathetic response point to one man: Osama bin Laden.
In the early 1990s, bin Laden lived in Sudan, the guest of the very regime responsible for the Darfur atrocities. At the time, bin Laden's main local interlocutor was an official named Salah Abdallah Gosh. After 9/11, however, Gosh became a more active counterterrorism partner: detaining terrorism suspects and turning them over to the United States; expelling Islamic extremists; and raiding suspected terrorists' homes and handing evidence to the FBI. Gosh's current job as head of security for the government also gives him a lead role in the regime's counterinsurgency strategy, which relies on the Janjaweed militias to destroy non-Arab villages in Darfur.
The deepening intelligence-sharing relationship between Washington and Khartoum blunted any U.S. response to the state-sponsored violence that exploded in Darfur in 2003 and 2004. U.S. officials have told my colleague Colin Thomas-Jensen and me that access to Gosh's information would be jeopardized if the Bush administration confronted Khartoum on Darfur. And since 2001, the administration had been pursuing a peace deal between southern Sudanese rebels and the regime in Khartoum - a deal aimed at placating U.S. Christian groups that had long demanded action on behalf of Christian minorities in southern Sudan. The administration didn't want to undermine that process by hammering Khartoum over Darfur.
The people of Darfur never had a chance.
The term "genocide" became a point of contention in the 2004 presidential campaign, with Democratic candidate John F. Kerry and a united Congress calling on Bush to use it. Finally, on Sept. 9, 2004, then-Secretary of State Colin L. Powell testified to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that "genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the government of Sudan and the Janjaweed bear responsibility - and genocide may still be occurring."
Powell continued: "[N]o new action is dictated by this determination. We have been doing everything we can to get the Sudanese government to act responsibly."
Everything? The U.N. convention on genocide - which the United States signed in 1948 and ratified 40 years later - requires signatories to seek to prevent and punish the crime of genocide. But instead of being tried for war crimes, Gosh was flown to Langley last year to be debriefed by CIA officials. As a U.S. official told the Los Angeles Times, "The agency's view was that the Sudanese are helping us on terrorism and it was proud to bring him over. They didn't care about the political implications."
In the eyes of many intelligence officials, Gosh and other Sudanese informants have become more valuable for U.S. counterterrorism objectives over the past six months because of the unfolding political upheaval in Somalia. The CIA has long pursued al-Qaeda affiliates implicated in the 1998 bombings of two U.S. embassies in East Africa. To this end, Washington began secretly funding warlords in Somalia to pursue terrorism suspects. But this strategy backfired: Somali Islamists have taken control of much of southern Somalia, with hard-liners protecting al-Qaeda affiliates. Many leading Somali Islamists have ties to Gosh, a fact Khartoum exploits to strengthen counterterrorism links with Washington.
U.S. inaction on Darfur has continued in the face of the most energetic campaign by U.S. citizens on an African issue since the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. But so far, mobilization by Christian, Jewish, African American and student groups has failed to move the administration's policy.
Indeed, Washington's constructive engagement with the Sudanese regime is as ineffective and morally bankrupt as the Reagan administration's approach to the apartheid regime in South Africa. During Bush's first term, the State Department wanted increased dialogue with Iraq, Iran and North Korea, but lost out to the Pentagon and Vice President Cheney. As consolation, the department took the lead on Sudan, shifting from the Clinton administration policy of isolation and pressure to one of engagement.
That policy has endured as Darfur continues to burn. Along with Powell, former deputy secretary Robert B. Zoellick and Jendayi Frazer, assistant secretary of state for African affairs, remained staunch advocates for engaging with Khartoum. In August, Frazer told reporters: "We believe that President Bashir and the Sudanese government want peace in Darfur." U.S. government sources have said that administration officials recently offered to lift some unilateral trade and investment sanctions imposed during the Clinton administration and move toward normalizing relations in exchange for Sudan's acceptance of U.N. peacekeepers. Khartoum refused.
Now, as the mayhem in Darfur escalates, Bush may have run out of patience. Administration officials say he regularly complains to national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley that more must be done. But to address both the administration's counterterrorism and human rights goals will require overcoming policy inertia and ignorance about the nature of the Khartoum regime - two requirements perhaps beyond the reach of Bush's current team.
Consider prior efforts to influence the regime in Sudan. In 1995, Sudanese officials were implicated in the attempted assassination of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Responding to the regime's failure to extradite terrorism suspects, the U.N. Security Council imposed travel restrictions on Sudanese officials and sanctions against Sudan Airways. Feeling pressured, the regime dismantled terrorist training camps and revoked passports given to known terrorists. And when the regime faced the prospect of a united armed rebellion in 2005, it signed a deal with southern-based rebels.
Clearly, diplomatic, economic and military pressure can have an impact - both in pursuit of an end to the Darfur crisis and in the ability to access important counterterrorism information.
Last week, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, the United States and other governments moved closer to a deal with Khartoum allowing for a stronger peacekeeping force in Darfur. However, the regime retains control of the timing of new deployments. The likely result is that a few hundred more observers will arrive in the next six months. More peacekeepers will help only if there is a new peace deal and the Janjaweed militias begin to be dismantled.
The problem remains leverage. Possible pressure points include the threat of sanctions on Sudanese companies owned by ruling party officials doing business abroad; capital-market sanctions on foreign firms dealing with the regime; NATO planning to deploy forces to Darfur; and sharing information with the International Criminal Court to accelerate indictments of Khartoum officials for crimes against humanity.
Khartoum has taken the measure of the United States; it understands that from time to time the president may use the word "genocide" and that the State Department may issue a strongly worded statement to mollify religious activists. But walking loudly and carrying a toothpick only emboldens the regime to escalate its attacks in Darfur.
President Clinton often says that the biggest regret he has about his presidency was not responding effectively to the Rwandan genocide. If Bush does not change course, he may someday echo Clinton, lamenting that hundreds of thousands of Darfurian lives were needlessly extinguished - on his watch.
John Prendergast, senior adviser at the
International Crisis Group, was director of African affairs at the National
Security Council during the Clinton administration.
-----------------------------------------
From: Maurice J. Oduor
To: "mabadilikotanzania@googlegroups.com"
Cc: Media; "news-citizenTz@nation.co.ke"
; "news-tips@nytimes.com"
; Change Mombasa
; Mabadiliko
; Uchunguzionline
; "jaluo@jaluo.com"
; progressive-kenyans@googlegroups.com;
"wanakenya@googlegroups.com"
Sent: Saturday, October 5, 2013 3:55 PM
Subject: [PK] Re: [Mabadiliko] Congo-Kinshasa: Open Letter to the UN Security Council From Human Rights Watch On Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo
To: "mabadilikotanzania@googlegroups.com"
Cc: Media
Sent: Saturday, October 5, 2013 3:55 PM
Subject: [PK] Re: [Mabadiliko] Congo-Kinshasa: Open Letter to the UN Security Council From Human Rights Watch On Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo
Judy,
I understand that
M23 is sponsored by both Rwanda and Uganda and the main objective of M23 is to
overthrow the Kabila government of the DR Congo in order to gain control of the
minerals there. This means that what Kagame and Museveni are doing is exactly
what Charles Taylor did in Sierra Leone in the 1990s and is now serving a 50-yr
prison sentence imposed by the ICC.
My question now is:
Are Kagame and Museveni leading the effort to get African countries out of the
Rome Statute /ICC because they are scared that the ICC may come for them next?
This is beginning to make a lot of sense to me now.
In the beginning, I
thought that Museveni and Kagame just cared about Uhuru and Ruto !!!!! Kumbe
they're just looking to save their own skins?
Courage
On 2013-10-05, at 3:54 PM, Judy Miriga <jbatec@yahoo.com> wrote:
Good
People of the World,
In
the past, volumes of letters from Human Rights Watch Human Rights Abuses in the
Democratic Republic of Congo with other investigation report from the
International NGOs, the local communities in Congo Voice of the People, UN extends aid to Rwanda despite HRW report
on M23 being funded by Kagame of Rwanda
and we take note that, this puts UN Secretary Ban-Ki-moon in bad light.
We
demand that Ban-ki-moon take action on Kagame with M23 to answer charges at the
ICC Hague for the documented crimes with Human Rights injustices at the ICC
Hague immediately.
It
is our concern to demand for immediate action from Ban-ki-moon to take action
on Kagame and charge him accordingly against the allegations that have been put
fourth with immediate effects.
If
United Nations must remain relevant on the face of the world and they want to
save their face from being accused of complicity and compromising with fueling
injustices against human rights crime, violation and abuse in the Great Lakes
Region of East Africa, the time is now for Ban-Ki-moon to act.
If
Ban-ki-moon does not respond positively within one week, we shall rally good
people of the whole world to demand why Ban-ki-moon should not be charged at
the ICC Hague with complicity and support of fueling injustices of Human
Rights, atrocities and genocide in the Great Lakes of East Africa where the Alshaabab
have turned out to be a menace in the use the UN Refugee funds to sponsor and
fuel terrorism..
The
Truth must be known and justice must prevail, because, all are equal and must
comply by the same set of rules where Africans too have equal Rights to live a happy
respectable, honorable and dignified livelihood…….and must have opportunities to
better improve their lives in progressive developments under conducive
environment free from pain and sufferings.
We cannot keep waiting indefinately under these circumstance..............as the situations are
unbearable..................
We cannot keep waiting indefinately under these circumstance..............as the situations are
unbearable..................
Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson &
Executive Director for
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa
USA
email: jbatec@yahoo.com
--------------------------------------------------------
Human Rights Watch (Washington, DC)
Congo-Kinshasa: Open Letter to the UN Security Council From Human Rights Watch On Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo
3 October 2013New York, October 2, 2013
Dear Ambassador,
We write to highlight the alarming human rights situation in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and ask that you use your visit to the region to help end human rights abuses and impunity for the worst crimes.
For the past year and a half, the Rwandan-backed M23 armed group has summarily executed and raped scores of civilians in eastern Congo, and forcibly recruited men and boys to join its ranks. Those who have spoken out against the M23's abuses have been threatened or killed. Women remain at risk of sexual violence. A woman from Rutshuru told Human Rights Watch researchers just this week how she was raped by an M23 fighter who said to her: "We also had wives, but they stayed in Rwanda. So that's why we rape you." After the woman was raped, the fighter shot her twice in both thighs. A man accused of "collaborating with the enemy" said he and other prisoners were detained in tiny cells crawling with insects, beaten, and forced to stand in human waste while M23 officers poured urine on them.
The M23 is led by some of Congo's most notorious war crimes suspects. In the past the Congolese government has granted them amnesties or offered them senior ranks in the army, sending the message that killing and raping would be rewarded with power and wealth. This time, the government has stated that M23 leaders responsible for serious abuses will not be integrated.
Like other abusive armed groups in eastern Congo in the past, the M23 since its inception has received significant military support from Rwanda, including the deployment of Rwandan army troops to Congo to fight alongside them; weapons, ammunition, and other supplies; training for new M23 recruits; and the forcible recruitment of men and boys in Rwanda, who were then sent across the border to fight for the M23.
Our research indicates that Rwandan support continues. Throughout September, Human Rights Watch received credible accounts from witnesses near the border that armed troops and recruits from Rwanda were moving to Congo to support the M23. The M23 today probably has no more than several hundred Congolese fighters, but it will remain a significant threat to Congolese civilians as long as Rwanda provides military support.
The Congolese army has also been responsible for serious abuses. As soldiers fled the M23's advance on Goma in November 2012, they went on a rampage, raping at least 76 women and girls in and around the town of Minova, South Kivu. In the town of Kitchanga, North Kivu, soldiers from the 812th Regiment, allied with a Tutsi militia they had armed, clashed with a primarily ethnic Hunde armed group from February 27 to March 4, 2013. At least 25 civilians died in the fighting. Most of the civilians killed were Hunde, and many appear to have been targeted by army soldiers because of their ethnicity. To date, no senior army officers have been arrested or prosecuted for these abuses.
As the Congolese army redeployed to focus on the M23, other armed groups, including the FDLR and allied Congolese Hutu militias, filled the vacuum and attacked civilians. Some of the worst abuses in recent months have been by the Nduma Defense of Congo (NDC), a militia group led by Ntabo Ntaberi Sheka, who is wanted on a Congolese arrest warrant for crimes against humanity. Sheka's fighters have killed, raped, and mutilated dozens of civilians since May 2013. Just last week, on September 27, they attacked villages in Masisi territory, killing several children, raping women, and burning homes. In 2010, Sheka's troops were part of an alliance of armed groups responsible for the mass rape of nearly 400 men, women, and children in Walikale.
We urge that Security Council members take the following actions:
Ensure that any agreement with the M23 or other armed groups does not provide amnesty or allow for integration into the army of individuals responsible for serious human rights abuses.
Adopt a Security Council resolution requiring that Rwanda end all support to the M23, and imposing sanctions on senior Rwandan officials responsible for such support.
Call on MONUSCO and the Congolese government to respond to threats to civilians posed by the M23 and other armed groups. Particular attention should be given to Sheka's NDC rebellion, and efforts should be made to arrest Sheka.
Urge the Congolese government to appropriately prosecute security force officials found responsible for war crimes and other abuses, including those responsible for the mass rapes around Minova and the violence in Kitchanga.
Support the Congolese government in the establishment of a vetting mechanism to remove and exclude those responsible for serious human rights abuses from the Congolese security forces.
My colleagues, including those based in Congo, would be happy to discuss these issues further with you or members of your staff.
Yours sincerely,
Kenneth Roth Philippe Bolopion
Executive Director United Nations Director
Human Rights Watch (Washington, DC)
Central Africa: UN Security Council - Address Rights Abuses in DR Congo - Council Members to Visit Great Lakes Region
3 October 2013New York — United Nations Security Council members should use their visit to the Great Lakes region of Central Africa to help end human rights abuses and impunity for the worst crimes in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, Human Rights Watch said in a letter to Security Council members sent on October 2, 2013. Security Council members are to leave on October 3 for a 6-day trip to Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, and Ethiopia.
"Civilians in eastern Congo have suffered atrocities without end, but very few of those responsible are ever brought to justice," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director. "Security Council members should use their visit to press governments in the region to end all support for abusive armed groups and to arrest war crimes suspects."
The Security Council should adopt a resolution requiring Rwanda to end all support to the M23, an abusive armed group responsible for numerous atrocities in eastern Congo, and imposing sanctions on senior Rwandan officials behind the support.
A woman from Rutshuru told Human Rights Watch researchers this week that she was raped by an M23 rebel fighter who said to her, "We also had wives, but they stayed in Rwanda. So that's why we rape you." After the woman was raped, the fighter shot her in both thighs.
The Congolese government and the M23 have held faltering peace talks in Kampala, Uganda, since December 2012. Past agreements between the Congolese government and other armed groups have allowed rebel commanders responsible for grave abuses to be rewarded and integrated into the Congolese army. Many of these commanders then carried out further atrocities against civilians while officers in the Congolese army and later created new rebellions.
The UN peacekeeping mission in Congo, MONUSCO, should make every effort to protect civilians from the most urgent threats the M23 and other armed groups pose for civilians. It should give particular attention to Ntabo Ntaberi Sheka's militia group, whose fighters have killed, raped, and mutilated dozens of civilians since May 2013. On September 27, they attacked a series of villages in Masisi territory, killing several children, raping women, and burning homes.
Congolese army soldiers have also been responsible for serious abuses, including raping at least 76 women and girls in and around Minova, South Kivu province, in November 2012. Security Council members should press the Congolese government to investigate, arrest, and appropriately prosecute security force officials found responsible for war crimes and other serious human rights abuses.
-
www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/11/dr-congo-
m23-rebels... The armed conflict in eastern Congo is bound by international ... the M23 told Human Rights Watch ... Human Rights Watch received several reports that ... -
UN extends aid to Rwanda despite HRW
report on M23 atrocities ...www.indybay.org/newsitems/2013/07/28/ 18740571.php Cached -
On Monday, Human Rights Watch published another report documenting atrocities committed by Rwanda's M23 militia in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
-
Human Rights Watch: M23 Abuses Continue
- VOA www.voanews.com/content/human-rights-
watch-report-finds... Cached Human Rights Watch has issued a report documenting recent executions and rapes by the M23 rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as ......... -
reliefweb.int/report/democratic-
republic-congo/un... Cached
UNJHRO report on Human Rights violations by FARDC and M23 in Goma, Sake, and around Minova. 15 Nov - 2 Dec 2012 -
michaeldeibert.blogspot.com/2013/09/new-
report-by-un... Cached
New report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on the ... The increase in gross human rights violations during the period under ... (M23), and to ... -
merryabla64.wordpress.com/2013/10/04/
iilhr... Cached
IILHR Reports on the Documentation, Human Rights, ... the Kurdish Regional Government, and the international community. -
www.irinnews.org/report/97779/briefing-
m23-one-year-on Cached
... M23 has been responsible for human rights abuses “including ... The International Federation of Human Rights has warned of a ... [This report does not ... -
www.umuvugizi.com/?p=7536&lang=en Cached
Human Right Report: Kagame’s War Crimes by M23 rebels in Congo. ... are horrendous to millions of innocent Congolese, the International Human Rights Watch Dog, ... -
www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/05/dr-congo-
war-crimes-m23...
The intervention brigade should have a clear mandate to arrest people wanted on international ... They told Human Rights Watch the M23 had ... afraid to report being ... -
www.huffingtonpost.com/human-rights-
watch/dr-congo-m23... Cached
(Goma) – M23 rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are responsible for widespread war crimes, including summary executions, rapes, and forced ... -
www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/
regions/africa/130723/... Cached
The call comes on the heels of a Human Rights Watch report documenting rapes and executions by the rebel group in North Kivu province of eastern Congo. -
Global Advocacy Report: The M23 and the
Crisis in Goma, the ...globalministries.org/news/africa/M23- and-Crisis-Goma.html Cached Human Rights Watch reports ... Eyewitnesses and UN investigators have attested that Rwandan armed forces directly assisted M23 in the takeover. The international ... -
reliefweb.int/report/...cases-human-
rights...m23-armed-group Cached
Newly documented human rights violations in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) include cases of arbitrary executions and rape – among other atrocities ... -
www.voanews.com/content/drc-amnesty-
21nov12/1550558.html Cached
Amnesty international says the displacement of thousands of people in the eastern DRC has created both a humanitarian and a human rights crisis. Amnesty International ... -
www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2012/
sc10823.doc.htm Cached
Security Council, Adopting Resolution 2076, Demands Immediate Withdrawal of ‘M23’ Rebels from Key Congolese City, End to ‘Any and All’ Outside Support -
www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/
regions/africa/130723/... Cached
The call comes on the heels of a Human Rights Watch report documenting rapes and executions by the rebel group in North Kivu province of eastern Congo. -
www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/ZR/
UNJHROMay2013_en.pdf
File format: Adobe PDFviolations of human rights and international humanitarian law, ... violations committed by the M23 and the FARDC outlined in this report, and to prosecute -
www.amnesty.org/.../democratic-republic-
congo/report-2013 Cached
Although the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights asked the civil ... interview with an M23 spokesperson. Top of page International ... International Report ... -
www.enca.co.za/africa/human-rights-
watch-nails-m23-rebels-0 Cached
M23 rebels in Congo's eastern region. The Human Righgs Watch has released a report detailing the human rights abuses and gender-based violence endemic in the region. - Cont..................
No comments:
Post a Comment