Saturday, October 5, 2013

Congo-Kinshasa: Open letter to the UN Security Council from Human Rights Watch on Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Maurice Thura,

You got it 100% right. Museveni is in the campaing rallying African Leaders to oppose ICC Hague because

he fears his name with that of Museveni is in the books for wanted crimes of genocide with astrocity, since their

right hand Bosco with Nkunda are held at ICC Hague and once the cases are on, Museveni and Kagame shall

not escape..........................

In short the summary goes like this:

1) Museveni was assisted to establish a Government in Uganda by Moi with his Somali brother Salim Saleh who owns Al-shabaab Militia group.

2) Museveni assisted Kagame to establish Rwanda Government using the same Al-Shabaab from his brother Salim Saleh with whom he mingled with the various Milita groups and established a new political party, the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM), part of the private Militia groups Museveni formed to fight Obote and consequently ousted Idi Amin of Uganda while he was leaving in Nairobi Kenya. 

3) Museveni was involved in the war that deposed Idi Amin Dada, ending his rule in 1979, and in the rebellion that subsequently led to the demise of the Milton Obote regime in 1985

4) His presidency has been marred, however, by invading and occupying Congo during the Second Congo War (the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo which has resulted in an estimated 5.4 million deaths since 1998) and other conflicts in the Great Lakes region.

5) Museveni gets his middle name from his father, Amos Kaguta, a cattle herder. Amos Kaguta is also the father of Museveni's brother Caleb Akandwanaho, popularly known in Uganda as "Salim Saleh",[5] and sister Violet Kajubiri.[6]

6) The Luweero Triangle were abuses from NLA ambushes by Museveni where in the Luweero Triangle, tribal groups predominant of Northerners especially the Lango and Acholi were brutally killed and massacred.Reports from Uganda during this period brought international criticism to the Obote regime instead of Museveni who was using NLA private Army with Al-Shabaab. Milton Obote blamed the Luwero abuses on Museveni on the NRA. but the West had already made dealings with Museveni through Moi while in Nairobi. In other words, Lango and Acholi were targeted for Extermination the way they now do with Lakeland Luos a case of 2007/8 and why Migingo was technically rewarded to Museveni..................

7) The Uganda-based Tutsi-dominated Rwandese Patriotic Front rebel group were close allies of the NRA, and once Museveni had solidified his hold on central power, he lent his support to their cause. Unsuccessful attacks were launched by the RPF against the Hutu government of Rwanda in the first half of the 1990s from bases in southwest Uganda. It was not until the Rwandan Genocide of 1994 that the RPF took power and its head, Paul Kagame (a former soldier in Museveni's army), became president.

8) In August 1998, Rwanda and Uganda undertook to invade Congo again, this time to overthrow Museveni and Kagame's former ally - Kabila (see main article: Second Congo War). Museveni and a few close military advisers alone made the decision to send the UPDF into Congo.

9) Troops from Rwanda and Uganda plundered the country's rich mineral deposits and timber. The United States responded to the invasion by suspending all military aid to Uganda, a disappointment to the Clinton administration, which had hoped to make Uganda the centrepiece of the African Crisis Response Initiative. In 2000, Rwandan and Ugandan troops exchanged fire on three occasions in the Congolese city of Kisangani, leading to tensions and a deterioration in relations between Kagame and Museveni. The Ugandan government has also been criticised for aggravating the Ituri conflict, a sub-conflict of the Second Congo War. In December 2005, the International Court of Justice ruled that Uganda must pay compensation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo for human rights violations during the Second Congo War.[34]

10) On 30 July 2005, Sudanese vice-president John Garang was killed when the Ugandan presidential helicopter crashed while he was travelling to Sudan from talks in Uganda. The incident was acutely embarrassing for the Ugandan government and a personal blow for Museveni – Garang had been a political ally since their days together at university. Garang had only been Sudanese vice-president for a matter of weeks before his death, which damaged hopes of a regional order based on a Uganda-South Sudan alliance.
Widespread speculation as to the cause of the crash led Museveni, on 10 August, to threaten the closure of media outlets which published "conspiracy theories" about Garang's death. In a statement, Museveni claimed such speculation was a threat to national security. "I will no longer tolerate a newspaper which is like a vulture. Any newspaper that plays around with regional security, I will not tolerate it – I will close it."[50] The following day, popular radio station KFM had its license withdrawn for broadcasting a debate on Garang's death. Radio presenter Andrew Mwenda was eventually arrested for sedition in connection with comments made on his KFM talk show.[51]

11) For Museveni and Kagame to succeed in their invasion for the Great Lakes Region, they had to wipe out Congo, Tanzania and Kenya people using Kagame's fully financed M23 private Milita Insurgency that was holed up in Congo while the Al-Shabaab is holed inside Kenya. When they do that, they infuse these private Army into the Government Police Force the way they did with that of Congo through Bosco and Bosco and later Nkunda after the formation of M23 to terrorize the Government and continue to steal Water tower, Congo Minerals with the Scramble for Sea, Lakes and Land in the Great Lakes of East Africa for their Masters Companies in the West.

12) The whole thing was a conspiracy masterminded by Zenawi President of Ethiopia under the watch of Jendayi Frazer who was the former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, heading the Bureau of African Affairs under Bush Administration. Frazer was Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for African Affairs on the National Security Council and the first woman to serve as United States Ambassador to South Africa.

It was Jendayi Frazer who adviced Bush that Kibaki won.

Fast forward 2013, Ms Jendayi Fraser is on record as protecting interests and supporting people fingered by the ICC, in essence encouraging impunity............Encouraging select people to act on behalf of civilized nations does not make the world secure even if it may achieve a short term American interest. The four points Ms. Frazer suggested by Ms Fraser do not have one African interest, and then during the recent elections in Kenya (March 2013) she went ahead to contradict President Obama Administration’s official line of duty on Kenya and kept on interjecting in opposing President Obama's Diplomacy overriding Johnny Carsons statements in Kenyas elections of March 2013.....and all these proved that, her agenda for Africa was based on some vested special interest and not those of the people of Africa thus the negativity compared to what President Obama want for Africa.

Dr. Jendayi E. Frazer, former US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs is now working as a lobbyist on behalf of Museveni, the Ugandan government, where she lobbies Obama Administration for Uganda. Does this explain something ???

  • Four Ways to Help Africa by Dr. Jendayi Frazer (Wall Street Journal)
  • Bush Envoy lobbies Obama for Museveni (Daily Monitor)


    The leaders of Uganda and Rwanda were among those designated as African Renaissance leaders by President Bill Clinton. Their proxies have been responsible for carrying out the very atrocities which Hillary Clinton condemned during her term in State Departnment..


    President Obama's approach of requiring Africans to chart their own destiny and take their own responsibility under and have a place on the table in the world MarketPlace instead of depending on spoon-feeding from others is right on point......... as opposed to theories of Ms Fraser prescription of dependency and security.


    The world can only be peaceful and secure when everyone negotiate to invest in its own security and survival plan.

    These confirms that, Museveni as second command after Zenawi masterminded terrorism in the Great Lakes of East Africa and in the use of M23 establishment..........Which is why history points fingers at him on all extra judicial killings, genocide with astrocities, pain and sufferings and it is the reason he leads in the obstruction of ICC Hague.

    and which is why Ban-ki-moon must come clean, why, with all these facts, he has not put Kagame and Museven under ICC Hague judgement against Human Rights injustices..........


    I had to write this long as update and also to throw some light to those who do not have ready facts in their own be informed................

    Judy Miriga
    Diaspora Spokesperson
    Executive Director
    Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,



    Check this out for heads up...................!!!!!!!!!!!!!


    Wikileaks - Jendayi Frazer's Role In The Ethiopian Invasion Of Somalia

    More shenanigans from the Clinton/Bush/Clinton foreign policy machinations in East Africa. Keep in mind that Ethiopia/Kenya are physical springboards for an invasion of the Sudan. Just as Uganda/Rwanda were a physical springboard for a US/UK presence in the Eastern DRC (where coltan and a lot of other minerals come from). Also, if they are prosecuted, a lot of this illegal and destructive foreign policy will come to light.Also, if Africa is going to be economically and politically independent, we have to put a stop to AFRICOM, and the militarisation that flows from it.
    WikiLeaks Reveals U.S. Twisted Ethiopia's Arm to Invade Somalia
    Tue, 12/21/2010 - 13:59 — Rob Prince
    by Rob Prince
    U.S. officials were lying when they claimed to have attempted to restrain Ethiopia from invading neighboring Somalia in late 2006. Newly unveiled documents show that “the Bush Administration pushed Ethiopia to invade Somalia with an eye on crushing the Union of Islamic Courts,” which had established relative peace in much of the country. The U.S. also tried to assemble a “coalition of the willing” to overthrow Robert Mugabe’s government in Zimbabwe.

    WikiLeaks Reveals U.S. Twisted Ethiopia's Arm to Invade Somalia
    by Rob Prince
    This article previously appeared in Znet.
    “The cable exposes a secret deal cut between the United States and Ethiopia to invade Somalia.”
    By mid 2007, the 50,000 Ethiopian troops that invaded Somalia in late 2006 found themselves increasingly bogged down, facing much fiercer resistance than they had bargained for as Somalis of all stripes temporarily put aside their differences to stand together against the outside invader.
    As the military incursion turned increasingly sour, then US Under Secretary of State for Africa, Jendayi Frazer, who taught at the University of Denver's Korbel School of International Studies in the 1990s, insisted that, prior to the invasion, the United States had counseled caution and that Washington had warned Ethiopia not to use military force against Somalia. Frazer was a close collaborator with former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, for whom there also is a strong University of Denver connection. Frazer certainly tried to distance the United States from responsibility for the Ethiopian invasion in a number of interviews she gave to the media at the time.
    But one of the released WikiLeaks cables, suggests a different picture, one that implicates Frazer in pressing Ethiopia's President Meles Zenawi to invade its neighbor. The content of the cable is being widely discussed in the African media. It exposes a secret deal cut between the United States and Ethiopia to invade Somalia.
    “The cable suggests that Ethiopia had no intention of invading Somalia in 2006 but was encouraged/pressured to do so by the United States.”
    If accurate -- and there is no reason to believe the contrary -- the cable suggests that Ethiopia had no intention of invading Somalia in 2006 but was encouraged/pressured to do so by the United States which pushed Ethiopia behind the scenes. Already bogged down in wars in Iraq and Afghanistan at the time, the Bush Administration pushed Ethiopia to invade Somalia with an eye on crushing the Union of Islamic Courts, which was gaining strength in Somalia at the time.
    At the time of the invasion there was little doubt that the Ethiopian military incursion was "made in Washington." Like so many other WikiLeaks cables, this one merely puts a dot on the "i" or crosses the "t" on what was generally known, although it does give specific information about Jendayi Frazer's deep involvement in the affair.
    According to the cable, as the main U.S. State Department representative in Africa, Frazer played a key role, spearheading what amounted to a U.S.-led proxy war in conjunction with the Pentagon. At the same time that she was pushing the Ethiopians to attack, Frazer was laying the groundwork both for the attack in the U.S. media and for a cover-up, by claiming that although the United States did not support Ethiopian military action, she could understand "the Somali threat" and why Ethiopia might find it necessary to go to war.
    Frazer spread rumors of a possible jihadist takeover in Somalia that would threaten Ethiopian security. Turns out that media performance was little more than a smokescreen. The U.S. military had been preparing Ethiopia for the invasion, providing military aid and training Ethiopian troops. Then on December 4, 2006, CENTCOM Commander, General John Abizaid was in Addis Ababa on what was described as "a courtesy call." Instead, the plans for the invasion were finalized.
    “The U.S. military had been preparing Ethiopia for the invasion, providing military aid and training Ethiopian troops.”
    At the time of the Somali invasion, Zenawi found himself in trouble. He was facing growing criticism for the wave of repression he had unleashed against domestic Ethiopian critics of his rule that had included mass arrests, the massacres of hundreds of protesters and the jailing of virtually all the country's opposition leaders.
    [None of which occurred in Zimbabwe, but you would not think so going by the mainstream media and it's 10 year villification campaign against Zimbabwe - really, against effective land redistribution and the threat it posed to the diamond trade monopoly, but that's another discussion. There is a lot of mining industry money behind the "War Against Land Reform", which is what it should be called. If you want to read the source of this opposition, check out this 2003 article which describes the redistribution of the Debshan 'Ranch' owned by Anglo-American De Beers. - MrK]

    By the spring of 2006 there was a bill before the U.S. Congress to cut off aid to Zenawi unless Ethiopia's human rights record improved. (His human rights record, by the way, has not improved since. Given how the United States and NATO view Ethiopia's strategic role in the "war on terrorism" and the scramble for African mineral and energy resources, Western support for Zenawi has only increased in recent years).
    In 2006, dependent on U.S. support to maintain power in face of a shrinking political base at home -- a situation many U.S. allies in the Third World find themselves -- and against his better judgement, Zenawi apparently caved to Frazer's pressure. Nor was this the first time that Frazer had tried to instigate a U.S. proxy war in Africa. Earlier as U.S. ambassador to South Africa, she had tried to put together a "coalition of the willing" to overthrow Mugabe's regime in Zimbabwe, an initiative that did not sit so well with South Africa's post-apartheid government and went nowhere.
    “Frazer had tried to put together a ‘coalition of the willing’ to overthrow Mugabe's regime in Zimbabwe.”
    The 2006 war in Somalia did not go well either for the United States or Ethiopia. Recently a State Department spokesperson, Donald Yamamoto, admitted that the whole idea was "a big mistake," obliquely admitting U.S. responsibility for the invasion. It resulted in 20,000 deaths and according to some reports, left up to 2 million Somalis homeless. The 50,000 Ethiopian invasion force, which had expected a cake walk, instead ran into a buzz saw of Somali resistance, got bogged down and soon withdrew with its tail between its legs. The political result of the invasion was predictable: the generally more moderate Union of Islamic Courts was weakened, but it was soon replaced in Somalia by far more radical and militant Islamic groups with a more openly anti-American agenda.
    As the situation deteriorated, in an attempt to cover both the U.S. and her own role, Frazer then turned on Zenawi, trying to distance herself from fiasco using an old and tried diplomatic trick: outright lying. Now that the invasion had turned sour, she changed her tune, arguing in the media, that both she and the State Department had tried to hold back the Ethiopians, discouraging them from invading rather than pushing them to attack. The WikiLeaks cable tells quite a different story. In 2009, the Ethiopian forces withdrew, leaving Somalia in a bigger mess and more unstable than when their troops went in three years prior. Seems to be a pattern here?
    Rob Prince is the publisher of the Colorado Progressive Jewish News.
    - See more at:



    So How Come We Haven't Stopped It?

    John Prendergast, The Washington Post | 19 Nov 2006

    Early in his first term, President Bush received a National Security Council memo outlining the world's inaction regarding the genocide in Rwanda. In what may have been a burst of indignation and bravado, the president wrote in the margin of the memo, "Not on my watch."
    Five years later, and nearly four years into what Bush himself has repeatedly called genocide, the crisis in Sudan's Darfur region is intensifying without a meaningful response from the White House. Perhaps Harvard professor Samantha Power's tongue-in-cheek theory is correct: The memo was inadvertently placed on top of the president's wristwatch, and he didn't want it to happen again. But if Bush's expressions of concern for the victims in Darfur are genuine, then why isn't his administration taking real action?
    The answer is one of the great untold stories of this young century, one in which human rights principles clash with post-9/11 counterterrorism imperatives. During my visits to Darfur in the past few months, I've heard testimony from Darfurians that villages are still burned to the ground, women are still gang-raped by Janjaweed militias and civilians are still terrorized by the Sudanese air force's bombings. As Darfur descends further into hell, all signs explaining the United States' pathetic response point to one man: Osama bin Laden.
    In the early 1990s, bin Laden lived in Sudan, the guest of the very regime responsible for the Darfur atrocities. At the time, bin Laden's main local interlocutor was an official named Salah Abdallah Gosh. After 9/11, however, Gosh became a more active counterterrorism partner: detaining terrorism suspects and turning them over to the United States; expelling Islamic extremists; and raiding suspected terrorists' homes and handing evidence to the FBI. Gosh's current job as head of security for the government also gives him a lead role in the regime's counterinsurgency strategy, which relies on the Janjaweed militias to destroy non-Arab villages in Darfur.
    The deepening intelligence-sharing relationship between Washington and Khartoum blunted any U.S. response to the state-sponsored violence that exploded in Darfur in 2003 and 2004. U.S. officials have told my colleague Colin Thomas-Jensen and me that access to Gosh's information would be jeopardized if the Bush administration confronted Khartoum on Darfur. And since 2001, the administration had been pursuing a peace deal between southern Sudanese rebels and the regime in Khartoum - a deal aimed at placating U.S. Christian groups that had long demanded action on behalf of Christian minorities in southern Sudan. The administration didn't want to undermine that process by hammering Khartoum over Darfur.
    The people of Darfur never had a chance.
    The term "genocide" became a point of contention in the 2004 presidential campaign, with Democratic candidate John F. Kerry and a united Congress calling on Bush to use it. Finally, on Sept. 9, 2004, then-Secretary of State Colin L. Powell testified to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that "genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the government of Sudan and the Janjaweed bear responsibility - and genocide may still be occurring."
    Powell continued: "[N]o new action is dictated by this determination. We have been doing everything we can to get the Sudanese government to act responsibly."
    Everything? The U.N. convention on genocide - which the United States signed in 1948 and ratified 40 years later - requires signatories to seek to prevent and punish the crime of genocide. But instead of being tried for war crimes, Gosh was flown to Langley last year to be debriefed by CIA officials. As a U.S. official told the Los Angeles Times, "The agency's view was that the Sudanese are helping us on terrorism and it was proud to bring him over. They didn't care about the political implications."
    In the eyes of many intelligence officials, Gosh and other Sudanese informants have become more valuable for U.S. counterterrorism objectives over the past six months because of the unfolding political upheaval in Somalia. The CIA has long pursued al-Qaeda affiliates implicated in the 1998 bombings of two U.S. embassies in East Africa. To this end, Washington began secretly funding warlords in Somalia to pursue terrorism suspects. But this strategy backfired: Somali Islamists have taken control of much of southern Somalia, with hard-liners protecting al-Qaeda affiliates. Many leading Somali Islamists have ties to Gosh, a fact Khartoum exploits to strengthen counterterrorism links with Washington.
    U.S. inaction on Darfur has continued in the face of the most energetic campaign by U.S. citizens on an African issue since the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. But so far, mobilization by Christian, Jewish, African American and student groups has failed to move the administration's policy.
    Indeed, Washington's constructive engagement with the Sudanese regime is as ineffective and morally bankrupt as the Reagan administration's approach to the apartheid regime in South Africa. During Bush's first term, the State Department wanted increased dialogue with Iraq, Iran and North Korea, but lost out to the Pentagon and Vice President Cheney. As consolation, the department took the lead on Sudan, shifting from the Clinton administration policy of isolation and pressure to one of engagement.
    That policy has endured as Darfur continues to burn. Along with Powell, former deputy secretary Robert B. Zoellick and Jendayi Frazer, assistant secretary of state for African affairs, remained staunch advocates for engaging with Khartoum. In August, Frazer told reporters: "We believe that President Bashir and the Sudanese government want peace in Darfur." U.S. government sources have said that administration officials recently offered to lift some unilateral trade and investment sanctions imposed during the Clinton administration and move toward normalizing relations in exchange for Sudan's acceptance of U.N. peacekeepers. Khartoum refused.
    Now, as the mayhem in Darfur escalates, Bush may have run out of patience. Administration officials say he regularly complains to national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley that more must be done. But to address both the administration's counterterrorism and human rights goals will require overcoming policy inertia and ignorance about the nature of the Khartoum regime - two requirements perhaps beyond the reach of Bush's current team.
    Consider prior efforts to influence the regime in Sudan. In 1995, Sudanese officials were implicated in the attempted assassination of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Responding to the regime's failure to extradite terrorism suspects, the U.N. Security Council imposed travel restrictions on Sudanese officials and sanctions against Sudan Airways. Feeling pressured, the regime dismantled terrorist training camps and revoked passports given to known terrorists. And when the regime faced the prospect of a united armed rebellion in 2005, it signed a deal with southern-based rebels.
    Clearly, diplomatic, economic and military pressure can have an impact - both in pursuit of an end to the Darfur crisis and in the ability to access important counterterrorism information.
    Last week, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, the United States and other governments moved closer to a deal with Khartoum allowing for a stronger peacekeeping force in Darfur. However, the regime retains control of the timing of new deployments. The likely result is that a few hundred more observers will arrive in the next six months. More peacekeepers will help only if there is a new peace deal and the Janjaweed militias begin to be dismantled.
    The problem remains leverage. Possible pressure points include the threat of sanctions on Sudanese companies owned by ruling party officials doing business abroad; capital-market sanctions on foreign firms dealing with the regime; NATO planning to deploy forces to Darfur; and sharing information with the International Criminal Court to accelerate indictments of Khartoum officials for crimes against humanity.
    Khartoum has taken the measure of the United States; it understands that from time to time the president may use the word "genocide" and that the State Department may issue a strongly worded statement to mollify religious activists. But walking loudly and carrying a toothpick only emboldens the regime to escalate its attacks in Darfur.
    President Clinton often says that the biggest regret he has about his presidency was not responding effectively to the Rwandan genocide. If Bush does not change course, he may someday echo Clinton, lamenting that hundreds of thousands of Darfurian lives were needlessly extinguished - on his watch.
    John Prendergast, senior adviser at the International Crisis Group, was director of African affairs at the National Security Council during the Clinton administration.


    From: Maurice J. Oduor
    To: ""
    Cc: Media ; "" ; "" ; Change Mombasa ; Mabadiliko ; Uchunguzionline ; "" ;; ""
    Sent: Saturday, October 5, 2013 3:55 PM
    Subject: [PK] Re: [Mabadiliko] Congo-Kinshasa: Open Letter to the UN Security Council From Human Rights Watch On Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo

    I understand that M23 is sponsored by both Rwanda and Uganda and the main objective of M23 is to overthrow the Kabila government of the DR Congo in order to gain control of the minerals there. This means that what Kagame and Museveni are doing is exactly what Charles Taylor did in Sierra Leone in the 1990s and is now serving a 50-yr prison sentence imposed by the ICC.

    My question now is: Are Kagame and Museveni leading the effort to get African countries out of the Rome Statute /ICC because they are scared that the ICC may come for them next? This is beginning to make a lot of sense to me now.
    In the beginning, I thought that Museveni and Kagame just cared about Uhuru and Ruto !!!!! Kumbe they're just looking to save their own skins?


    On 2013-10-05, at 3:54 PM, Judy Miriga <> wrote:

    Good People of the World,

    In the past, volumes of letters from Human Rights Watch Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo with other investigation report from the International NGOs, the local communities in Congo Voice of the People,  UN extends aid to Rwanda despite HRW report on M23  being funded by Kagame of Rwanda and we take note that, this puts UN Secretary Ban-Ki-moon in bad light.

    We demand that Ban-ki-moon take action on Kagame with M23 to answer charges at the ICC Hague for the documented crimes with Human Rights injustices at the ICC Hague immediately.

    It is our concern to demand for immediate action from Ban-ki-moon to take action on Kagame and charge him accordingly against the allegations that have been put fourth with immediate effects. 

    If United Nations must remain relevant on the face of the world and they want to save their face from being accused of complicity and compromising with fueling injustices against human rights crime, violation and abuse in the Great Lakes Region of East Africa, the time is now for Ban-Ki-moon to act.

    If Ban-ki-moon does not respond positively within one week, we shall rally good people of the whole world to demand why Ban-ki-moon should not be charged at the ICC Hague with complicity and support of fueling injustices of Human Rights, atrocities and genocide in the Great Lakes of East Africa where the Alshaabab have turned out to be a menace in the use the UN Refugee funds to sponsor and fuel terrorism..

    The Truth must be known and justice must prevail, because, all are equal and must comply by the same set of rules where Africans too have equal Rights to live a happy respectable, honorable and dignified livelihood…….and must have opportunities to better improve their lives in progressive developments under conducive environment free from pain and sufferings.

    We cannot keep waiting indefinately under these the situations are

    Judy Miriga
    Diaspora Spokesperson &
    Executive Director for
    Confederation Council Foundation for Africa

    Human Rights Watch (Washington, DC)

    Congo-Kinshasa: Open Letter to the UN Security Council From Human Rights Watch On Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo

    New York, October 2, 2013
    Dear Ambassador,
    We write to highlight the alarming human rights situation in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and ask that you use your visit to the region to help end human rights abuses and impunity for the worst crimes.
    For the past year and a half, the Rwandan-backed M23 armed group has summarily executed and raped scores of civilians in eastern Congo, and forcibly recruited men and boys to join its ranks. Those who have spoken out against the M23's abuses have been threatened or killed. Women remain at risk of sexual violence. A woman from Rutshuru told Human Rights Watch researchers just this week how she was raped by an M23 fighter who said to her: "We also had wives, but they stayed in Rwanda. So that's why we rape you." After the woman was raped, the fighter shot her twice in both thighs. A man accused of "collaborating with the enemy" said he and other prisoners were detained in tiny cells crawling with insects, beaten, and forced to stand in human waste while M23 officers poured urine on them.
    The M23 is led by some of Congo's most notorious war crimes suspects. In the past the Congolese government has granted them amnesties or offered them senior ranks in the army, sending the message that killing and raping would be rewarded with power and wealth. This time, the government has stated that M23 leaders responsible for serious abuses will not be integrated.
    Like other abusive armed groups in eastern Congo in the past, the M23 since its inception has received significant military support from Rwanda, including the deployment of Rwandan army troops to Congo to fight alongside them; weapons, ammunition, and other supplies; training for new M23 recruits; and the forcible recruitment of men and boys in Rwanda, who were then sent across the border to fight for the M23.
    Our research indicates that Rwandan support continues. Throughout September, Human Rights Watch received credible accounts from witnesses near the border that armed troops and recruits from Rwanda were moving to Congo to support the M23. The M23 today probably has no more than several hundred Congolese fighters, but it will remain a significant threat to Congolese civilians as long as Rwanda provides military support.
    The Congolese army has also been responsible for serious abuses. As soldiers fled the M23's advance on Goma in November 2012, they went on a rampage, raping at least 76 women and girls in and around the town of Minova, South Kivu. In the town of Kitchanga, North Kivu, soldiers from the 812th Regiment, allied with a Tutsi militia they had armed, clashed with a primarily ethnic Hunde armed group from February 27 to March 4, 2013. At least 25 civilians died in the fighting. Most of the civilians killed were Hunde, and many appear to have been targeted by army soldiers because of their ethnicity. To date, no senior army officers have been arrested or prosecuted for these abuses.

    As the Congolese army redeployed to focus on the M23, other armed groups, including the FDLR and allied Congolese Hutu militias, filled the vacuum and attacked civilians. Some of the worst abuses in recent months have been by the Nduma Defense of Congo (NDC), a militia group led by Ntabo Ntaberi Sheka, who is wanted on a Congolese arrest warrant for crimes against humanity. Sheka's fighters have killed, raped, and mutilated dozens of civilians since May 2013. Just last week, on September 27, they attacked villages in Masisi territory, killing several children, raping women, and burning homes. In 2010, Sheka's troops were part of an alliance of armed groups responsible for the mass rape of nearly 400 men, women, and children in Walikale.
    We urge that Security Council members take the following actions:
    Ensure that any agreement with the M23 or other armed groups does not provide amnesty or allow for integration into the army of individuals responsible for serious human rights abuses.
    Adopt a Security Council resolution requiring that Rwanda end all support to the M23, and imposing sanctions on senior Rwandan officials responsible for such support.
    Call on MONUSCO and the Congolese government to respond to threats to civilians posed by the M23 and other armed groups. Particular attention should be given to Sheka's NDC rebellion, and efforts should be made to arrest Sheka.
    Urge the Congolese government to appropriately prosecute security force officials found responsible for war crimes and other abuses, including those responsible for the mass rapes around Minova and the violence in Kitchanga.
    Support the Congolese government in the establishment of a vetting mechanism to remove and exclude those responsible for serious human rights abuses from the Congolese security forces.
    My colleagues, including those based in Congo, would be happy to discuss these issues further with you or members of your staff.
    Yours sincerely,
    Kenneth Roth Philippe Bolopion
    Executive Director United Nations Director

    Human Rights Watch (Washington, DC)

    Central Africa: UN Security Council - Address Rights Abuses in DR Congo - Council Members to Visit Great Lakes Region

    New York — United Nations Security Council members should use their visit to the Great Lakes region of Central Africa to help end human rights abuses and impunity for the worst crimes in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, Human Rights Watch said in a letter to Security Council members sent on October 2, 2013. Security Council members are to leave on October 3 for a 6-day trip to Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, and Ethiopia.
    "Civilians in eastern Congo have suffered atrocities without end, but very few of those responsible are ever brought to justice," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director. "Security Council members should use their visit to press governments in the region to end all support for abusive armed groups and to arrest war crimes suspects."
    The Security Council should adopt a resolution requiring Rwanda to end all support to the M23, an abusive armed group responsible for numerous atrocities in eastern Congo, and imposing sanctions on senior Rwandan officials behind the support.
    A woman from Rutshuru told Human Rights Watch researchers this week that she was raped by an M23 rebel fighter who said to her, "We also had wives, but they stayed in Rwanda. So that's why we rape you." After the woman was raped, the fighter shot her in both thighs.
    The Congolese government and the M23 have held faltering peace talks in Kampala, Uganda, since December 2012. Past agreements between the Congolese government and other armed groups have allowed rebel commanders responsible for grave abuses to be rewarded and integrated into the Congolese army. Many of these commanders then carried out further atrocities against civilians while officers in the Congolese army and later created new rebellions.
    The UN peacekeeping mission in Congo, MONUSCO, should make every effort to protect civilians from the most urgent threats the M23 and other armed groups pose for civilians. It should give particular attention to Ntabo Ntaberi Sheka's militia group, whose fighters have killed, raped, and mutilated dozens of civilians since May 2013. On September 27, they attacked a series of villages in Masisi territory, killing several children, raping women, and burning homes.
    Congolese army soldiers have also been responsible for serious abuses, including raping at least 76 women and girls in and around Minova, South Kivu province, in November 2012. Security Council members should press the Congolese government to investigate, arrest, and appropriately prosecute security force officials found responsible for war crimes and other serious human rights abuses.

      The armed conflict in eastern Congo is bound by international ... the M23 told Human Rights Watch ... Human Rights Watch received several reports that ...
    2. UN extends aid to Rwanda despite HRW report on M23 atrocities Cached
    3. On Monday, Human Rights Watch published another report documenting atrocities committed by Rwanda's M23 militia in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
    4. Human Rights Watch has issued a report documenting recent executions and rapes by the M23 rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as .........

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      UNJHRO report on Human Rights violations by FARDC and M23 in Goma, Sake, and around Minova. 15 Nov - 2 Dec 2012
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      New report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights on the ... The increase in gross human rights violations during the period under ... (M23), and to ...
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      IILHR Reports on the Documentation, Human Rights, ... the Kurdish Regional Government, and the international community.
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      ... M23 has been responsible for human rights abuses “including ... The International Federation of Human Rights has warned of a ... [This report does not ...
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      Human Right Report: Kagame’s War Crimes by M23 rebels in Congo. ... are horrendous to millions of innocent Congolese, the International Human Rights Watch Dog, ...
      The intervention brigade should have a clear mandate to arrest people wanted on international ... They told Human Rights Watch the M23 had ... afraid to report being ...
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      (Goma) – M23 rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are responsible for widespread war crimes, including summary executions, rapes, and forced ...
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      The call comes on the heels of a Human Rights Watch report documenting rapes and executions by the rebel group in North Kivu province of eastern Congo.
    13. Global Advocacy Report: The M23 and the Crisis in Goma, the Cached Human Rights Watch reports ... Eyewitnesses and UN investigators have attested that Rwandan armed forces directly assisted M23 in the takeover. The international ...
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      Newly documented human rights violations in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) include cases of arbitrary executions and rape – among other atrocities ...
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      Amnesty international says the displacement of thousands of people in the eastern DRC has created both a humanitarian and a human rights crisis. Amnesty International ...
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      Security Council, Adopting Resolution 2076, Demands Immediate Withdrawal of ‘M23’ Rebels from Key Congolese City, End to ‘Any and All’ Outside Support
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      The call comes on the heels of a Human Rights Watch report documenting rapes and executions by the rebel group in North Kivu province of eastern Congo.
      File format: Adobe PDF
      violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, ... violations committed by the M23 and the FARDC outlined in this report, and to prosecute
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      Although the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights asked the civil ... interview with an M23 spokesperson. Top of page International ... International Report ...
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      M23 rebels in Congo's eastern region. The Human Righgs Watch has released a report detailing the human rights abuses and gender-based violence endemic in the region.
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